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JUST ABOUT three decades ago there lived here a selfless leader, an upright politician and a sacrificing son of the soil. Yet how many of us know of his greatness? It is to the credit of Ramana Communications that it has produced a film on K. Kamaraj, a diehard Congressman of the Nehru era. Making a film on the life of the distinguished personality, who remained a bachelor all his life and served the country till his last breath, surely allows no scope for any of the formula stuff that the filmgoer is so used to. And hence offers the investor absolutely no commercial guarantee. But undeterred by the risk, Ramana Communications has taken up such a venture.
Inspired by the Independence Movement and the Mahatma, the young, not very educated Kamaraj rises from humble beginnings to emerge as the Chief Minister of the State, a man of the masses and a king maker of repute. His simple living and high thinking that ought to make each of us proud is presented with a visionary touch by director A. Balakrishnan. Kamaraj’s corruption-free rule as Chief Minister, his sensitivity that made him do his utmost to educate the poor, his anger at injustice from any quarter, the elections in which the Congress was trounced, the period when Indira Gandhi declared a state of Emergency, and the effect that such events had on Kamaraj have been well brought out. Besides documenting the life of the leader till the end, the film also traces the history of the nation and the State in an interesting manner. Kamaraj’s interaction with his mother, the people who come to see him and the bureaucracy and his calm acceptance of the highs and lows of life are unforgettable facets of the film. And finally as you watch the funeral procession of the man, you are choked with emotion.
All the characters have been chosen to suit the roles they play. Thus casting is a strong point of “Kamaraj.” Richard Mathuram has done a neat job as Kamaraj. M. S. Bhaskar who has dubbed for him deserves special mention. The bright eyes of Sampathraj, the man who plays the young Kamaraj, is more an indicator of the kind of man he portrays. Only the actor who plays Rajaji does not seem true-to-life in appearance and demeanour. Along with known faces such as director Mahendran, actors Vijayan, A. K. Veerasamy and V. S. Raghavan, are Sumanth as Jawaharlal Nehru, Kovai Ramasamy as Periyar, Aravamudhan as C. Subramaniam and Kanakaraj as Gandhiji. Well-known stage artiste, T. S. Anandhi is Indira Gandhi. The resemblance to the former PM, which is more because of her nose, makes her a reasonably right choice for the role.
The screenplay could have been moulded better and the sudden close-ups that come and go abruptly could have been avoided. Sembur Jayaraj and J. Francis Kripa take credit for the screenplay and dialogue. V. T. Vijayan has handled the editing. There are scenes that end too suddenly and thus give way to jerks in the narration. Rerecording is minimal in “Kamaraj”, and wherever it is heard, the maestro’s touch is evident. The “Naadu Parthathunda … ” number that Ilaiyaraja sings in the end makes a tremendous impact. Vaali’s lyrics for the same moisten your eyes.
“Kamaraj” has a docu-feel all right, but the insight it provides makes it a must-see film for all
Waning Power
Prior to his arrest Kamaraj sent a notice that Janab Ubayathulla of Vellore should be the President of P.C.C. Madras State.
As Virudhunagar Chairman Sankarapandia Nadar was also arrested Chairman’s post was vacant. Regarding electing P.C.C. Madras state president Ubayathulla sent a telegram to Dhanushkodi Nadar. But a reply was sent to him stating that the election of Chairman would be amicably settled.
Vice-Chairman R.Gurusami fixed the date as 31st May 1941 for Chairman’s election. Kamaraj who was in the prison at Vellore was unanimously elected as Chairman.
Before this Bengal Lion Desabandhu Chittranjan Das was elected as Mayor when he was in the prison. Likewise Kamaraj too was elected as Chairman when he was in the jail. People were proud of this.
In the first week of March 1942 , a months after the Chairman’s election Kamaraj was released. He came to Virudhunagar in the 2nd week. A warm welcome was given to him.
Municipal council meeting was held on 16th of March under the presidentship of Vice-Chairman 90th item of Agenda was taken for consideration and recorded. Kamaraj as a Chairman came to the meeting and sat in the Chairman’s chair. He recorded 91st item. He addressed to Councilors thanking them for having elected him as Chairman . But as he had some other important affairs to look after he was unable to continue as Chairman and tendered his resignation.
A 9 months’ Chairman who conducted the council meeting for 9 minutes addressed like this ” A person who holds a post even if it is a honorary one ,should act properly. If he is not able to function properly he should not hold that post.”
Change In History
In that year State Congress meeting was held at Batlagundu. For Muthurang Mudaliar’s victory Kamaraj took special interest.
Municipal election was conducted at Virudhunagar Congress contested in 24 wards and won in 22 wards. Kamaraj won from the 7th ward. All the 21 councilors compelled Kamaraj to be the Chairman but he refused. Sankarapandia Nadar became Chairman.
In 1940 election for T.N.C.P. President Sathyamoorthy nominated Kamaraj . Rajaji nominated Kovai C.P.Subbiah..
Kamaraj got 103 votes and won by 3 votes. Those 3 votes changed the history of Tamilnadu. A man who started his political life as a volunteer in 1919 became a President to the same party in 21 years. Once he was elected as a President public were interested in knowing his life history. They were attracted in his simplicity and sacrifice.
To help Kamaraj Sathyamoorthy took the post of Secretary.
During 2nd World War Aurther Hope , the Governor of Madras collected war fund from public. Kamaraj toured all over the state asking the public not to give war fund to foreigner. Hence war fund collection was disturbed . So Kamaraj was arrested under Security Act and sent to Vellore Jail. This was his 3rd Arrest.
People who come for Sathyagraha should have got the apporval of Gandhiji . When Kamaraj went to Gandhiji with one such list for Gandhiji’s approval he was arrested in the train at Gudur railway station.
According to the individual Sathyagraha started by Gandhiji all municipal chairman should go to jail by breaking the law. Accordingly Sankarapanida Nadar Chairman of Virudhunagar went to jail.
Education
Kamaraj dropped out of school when he was in the sixth grade. When he entered mainstream public life he felt handicapped and realized the importance of a good education. He educated himself during his periods of imprisonment.
Advice to his ministers
Kamaraj gave a simple advice to his ministers, “Face the problem. Don’t evade it. Find a solution, however small. People will be satisfied if you do something.” Followed by him a number of Central and State ministers like Lal Bahadur Shastri, Jagjivan Ram, Satyendra Narayan Sinha, Morarji Desai and S.K. Patil followed suit and resigned from their posts. In 1964, Kamaraj was elected ‘Congress President’ and he successfully navigated the party and the nation through the stormy years following Nehru’s death. Kamaraj’s political maturity came in full view when Nehru died in 1964. How he settled the succession issue for the Prime Ministership was amply proved by his choice of Lal Bahadur Shastri and Indira Gandhi in succession.
With Satyamurti
Kamaraj’s political guru and inspiration was S. Satyamurti, orator and parliamentarian. Satyamurti found in Kamaraj “an efficient, loyal, indefatigable worker and skillful organizer (p. 147, Pakshirajan).” Both developed a deep friendship and complemented each others’ skills. In 1936, Satyamurti was elected President of the Provincial Congress Committee and he appointed Kamaraj the General Secretary. Four years later they swapped positions. The party base was strengthened under their leadership. So deep was Kamaraj’s devotion to Satyamurti that when India gained independence, he first went to Satyamurti’s house and hoisted the Indian flag there. On his election as Chief Minister, Kamaraj went to Satyamurti’s house and garlanded his photo and paid his respects to the leader’s widow.
Politics And Freedom Struggle
Kamaraj joined as an apprentice in his maternal uncle Karuppiah’s cloth shop after dropping out of school. He would slip out from the shop to join processions and attend public meetings addressed by orators like Dr. Varadarajulu Naidu and George Joseph. His relatives frowned upon Kamaraj ‘s budding interest in politics. They sent him to Thiruvananthapuram to work at another uncle’s timer shop.
At the age of 16, Kamaraj enrolled himself as full-time worker of the Congress. He invited speakers, organized meetings and collected funds for the party. He also participated in the march to Vedaranyam led by C. Rajagopalachari as part of the Salt Satyagraha of March 1930.
Kamaraj was arrested and sent to Alipore Jail in Calcutta for two years. He was 27 at the time of his arrest and was released in 1931 following the Gandhi-Irwin Pact. Kamaraj was implicated in the Virudhunagar bomb case two years later. Dr. Varadarajulu Naidu and George Joseph argued on Kamaraj’s behalf and proved the charges to be baseless. Kamaraj was arrested again in 1940 and sent to Vellore Central Prison while he was on his way to Wardha to get Gandhiji’s approval for a list of satyagrahis.
While still in jail, Kamaraj was elected Chairman of the Municipal Council of Madurai. Nine months later, upon his release, Kamaraj went straight to the Municipality and tendered his resignation from his post. He felt that “one should not accept any post to which one could not do full justice.”
Kamaraj was arrested once more in 1942 and sentenced to three years in the Amaravathi prison for spreading propaganda material for the Quit India movement initiated by Gandhiji. While in prison, Kamaraj read books and continued his self-education.
Kamaraj As ChiefMinister
Kamaraj was ‘reluctant to accept’ the chief ministership but the circumstance prevailed upon him as there was no ‘alternative to the kingmaker himself ascending the throne.’ Kamaraj took the mantle from Rajaji, and formed his first cabinet, which did not contain a single Brahmin contrary to Rajaji’s first ministry in 1937, ‘dominated by Brahmins’. The elevation of Kamaraj as the chief minister on the wave of opposition to the Rajaji scheme of education, led to the development of closer ties between Kamaraj and E V Ramasamy. The Congress gained the support of E V Ramasamy and Kamaraj’s equation with the non-Brahmins was kept intact. E V Ramasamy was all set to endorse his solidarity with Kamaraj on the grounds that in all these years he was the first and only non-Brahmin with Tamil as his mother tongue to become the chief minister; and for the first time a full-fledged ministry had been formed without a single Brahmin headed! by Kamaraj.
According to E V Ramasamy all credit should go to Kamaraj for dropping Rajaji’s educational scheme despite opposition from upper castes led by C Subramaniam and Bakthavatchalam who were in favour of it. Extolling Kamaraj as the pacchai Tamilan he urged his followers to extend every support to sustain the Kamaraj rule and prevent it from being ousted, as the interests of Tamils were safe in his hands. However, Kamaraj did not follow the exclusion of Brahmins as a deliberate policy. In fact, Brahmins were incorporated into his ministry at a later stage, one of the prominent gainers being R Venkataraman.
For Kamaraj, E V Ramasamy’s open proclamation of support was a great source of strength, arriving precisely at the right moment when he himself was under pressure since doubts were being echoed in certain circles whether Kamaraj, a low caste man without formal education, would be able to cope with the administrative exigencies of the office of chief minister.16 For Kamaraj, seasoned for the occasion, E V Ramasamy’s endorsement was an unmistakable political gain and he saw its usefulness in countering his critics. Soon Kamaraj proved his capabilities as one of best chief ministers silencing the critics and sceptics. Kamaraj silently used the non-Brahmin movement in his favour though he did not ‘share Periyar’s anti-Brahmanism’. E V Ramasamy’s crusade against brahmanism, religion and the threat of imposition of Hindi from Delhi would continue unabated under Kamaraj’s rule only so long as it did not weaken Kamaraj’s ministerial governance. Kamaraj distanced himself from Ramasamy and his followers when the mode of agitation culminated in a call for burning the national flag (August 1, 1955), maps of India and copies of the Constitution.
One of the first political acts of Kamaraj during his tenure as chief minister was to widen representation of the rising non-Brahmins in the cabinet. Ministerial berths were given to the non-Brahmin caste-based parties, Tamil Nadu Toilers Party and Commonweal Party. Both the parties were subsequently ‘subsumed’ by the Congress. In a move to counter Tamil cultural politics espoused by the DMK, Kamaraj made conscious attempts to partake in the linguistic cultural matters. In order to placate Tamil aspirations, Kamaraj effected some measures. The efforts towards introducing Tamil language as a medium of instruction in schools and colleges was accompanied by the publication of textbooks on ‘scientific and technical subjects’ in Tamil. In 1960 the state education minister took steps to introduce Tamil in government arts colleges as a medium of instruction.
The introduction of the Tamil typewriter in government offices was another effort to change the language of administration gradually. Similarly the usage of Tamil in the courts received encouragement. To affirm his role in the linguistic politics of the state, Kamaraj did introduce a bill in February 1962 in the legislative assembly for changing the name of Madras to ‘Tamilnad’ for ‘intra-state communication’, the bill also proposing Madurai as the capital. But no decision was taken on it. However these moves were on a low key and inadequate to woo the masses. The DMK made capital out of this, routing Congress in the 1967 elections four years after Kamaraj relinquished his office as chief minister in accordance with the Kamaraj Plan to concentrate on Congress organisational work.
Committed to his version of ‘socialism’ meaning that “those who are backward should progress”, Kamaraj remained truthful to the simple dictum of his ‘socialism’, providing ‘what is essential for man’s living’ such as ‘dwelling, job, food and education’. The great feature of Kamaraj rule was the ending of the retrogressive educational policies and setting the stage for universal and free schooling. Six thousand schools closed down by Rajagopalachari were revived and 12,000 schools added. The percentage of school going children in the age group between 6 and 11 increased from 45 per cent to 75 per cent within a span of seven years after he became the chief minister.
Almost every village within a radius of one mile with a population of 300 and above inhabitants was provided with a school. With a view to encouraging and attracting the rural poor children to the schools Kamaraj pioneered a scheme of free mid-day meals for primary school children in panchayat and government institutions. This scheme, aided by the American voluntary organisation CARE, was launched in 1957. In addition the government came forward to supply school uniforms to poor students. To make the education easily accessible to children from various backgrounds, full exemption from school fees was introduced. Public enthusiasm and participation in raising funds and procuring equipment for the schools were entertained through different schemes making education a social responsibility. Such measures made education affordable for many who were denied basic educational opportunities for centuries.
Kamaraj’s other major feat was his role in facilitating developmental programmes chiefly electrification and industrial development. Thousands of villages were electrified. Rural electrification led to the large-scale use of pumpsets for irrigational purposes and agriculture-received impetus. Large and small-scale industries were flagged off generating employment opportunities. Kamaraj made the best use of the funds available through the Five-Year Plans and guided Tamil Nadu in deriving the maximum benefit.
His efforts in these directions not only enhanced the profile of Tamil Nadu as one of the best-administered states in the post-independent era, but it also raised it high in social and economic rankings compared to other states. As chief minister for nine years Kamaraj headed a stable administration and managed two elections successfully and his reputation soared high as ‘shrewd and competent’ and “one of the most effective chief min! isters in India.” He proved himself more than equal to the task and his detractors retracted the statements made about this ‘village-green trundler’ and his capacity to govern the state when he took the mantle from Rajaji.
His competent ministerial colleagues and the excellent set of senior state officials saw in Kamaraj ‘a man with a mission’ who could set aside any stricture in order to serve the common people. He was able to invoke cooperation, dedication and willingness ungrudgingly. Importantly his approach to governance and party control was never tainted with religious overtones and a secular commitment was natural and integral to his mission in life. Among his cherished political mentors, Kamaraj held George Joseph, a Kerala Christian nationalist who chose Madurai as his base for practising law and for his political activities, in high esteem.
Kamaraj’s association with George Joseph began early and grew in strength from the days when Kamaraj frequented political meetings addressed by George Joseph in Virudhunagar. It continued through the period of his involvement in the Vaikom Satyagraha then led by George Joseph, to the organising of demonstrations against the Simon Commission along with Joseph. It was George Joseph who defended Kamaraj and got him released when he was accused of making bombs and implicated in the Virudhunagar Conspiracy case. Profoundly fond of George Joseph and his family, Kamaraj continued to pay visits to the Joseph family especially his wife Susannah, even with his busy itinerary as chief minister.
His lifestyle never changed; power and position failed to dislocate his simplicity. His illustrious career as the chief minister of Tamil Nadu ended in 1963 and he commenced his political life in Delhi as the president of the All India Congress Party. Explicating Kamaraj’s long stint and stature in Tamil Nadu politics, reputed political scientist, R Bhaskaran, observed:
“Mr Kamaraj was not rich and has not grown rich; he is a bachelor and has no family ties. He has been and is a whole-time politician and has laboured to acquire personal knowledge of men and things all over the Tamil country and he knows all the leaders of his party from every part of India. He has also acquired facility in English and very considerable knowledge of world affairs. He is immensely popular for all these reasons and especially because he has no vices and leads a simple life. Above all he is the ‘representative’ Tamil as most Tamils imagine that figure. His ways of speaking, walking, eating and dress commend themselves to the many millions to whom these are familiar ways with nothing outlandish about them.”
Bhaskaran’s judgment is indeed right. That is certainly the reason why the beleaguered Congress in Tamil Nadu is wooing the Tamils today with the promise of ‘Kamaraj Rule.’
Karma Veerar
“Mr Kamaraj was not rich and has not grown rich; he is a bachelor and has no family ties. He has been and is a whole-time politician and has laboured to acquire personal knowledge of men and things all over the Tamil country and he knows all the leaders of his party from every part of India. He has also acquired facility in English and very considerable knowledge of world affairs. He is immensely popular for all these reasons and especially because he has no vices and leads a simple life. Above all he is the ‘representative’ Tamil as most Tamils imagine that figure. His ways of speaking, walking, eating and dress commend themselves to the many millions to whom these are familiar ways with nothing outlandish about them”
The Commonsense Politician
KUMARASWAMY Kamaraj was an ordinary man with extraordinary qualities of head and heart. From humble beginnings, he rose to the highest position of helping make two Prime Ministers of India, first Lal Bahadur Sastri and then Indira Gandhi. The demise of Nehru was expected to create a political void leading to instability of sorts, but Kamaraj as Congress president played the man of destiny, settling the succession issue amicably through a democratic consensus. It was perhaps the crowning glory of his life.
When he enlisted himself as a soldier in the freedom movement, he was totally under the spell of Mahatma Gandhi and to the very end he remained Gandhian by conviction and practice. There were occasions when he had his differences with Gandhi in running party affairs in Tamil Nadu but his loyalty to the Mahatma remained unwavering. For him Congress was the creed. All through his life, he was guided by native commonsense and that made him a real leader of the masses. He spoke to them in a language they understood. His speeches were embellished with ideas and not with grandiose eloquence. He was a man of simple habits and permitted himself the sole luxury of smoking a cigarette of relatively costly brand. Even this luxury he enjoyed in privacy and rarely in the company of his intimate friends.
Kamaraj was a multi-faceted political personality, and power and position sat lightly on him. He was Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu for nine years and that period was considered a “Golden Age”. For him, power was only a means to serve the people and he served them well. He was a down-to-earth planner and visualised and executed an infrastructure that was essential to satisfy the needs of ordinary folk. He made education free up to the highschool level and provided mid-day meals for schoolgoing children to prevent dropouts on account of poverty. Only during his Chief Ministership did every village of a thousand people get a school. He laid roads connecting rural areas to urban centres, creating easy access for village produce to reach town and city markets.
He paid special attention to the energy sector and electricity reached almost all villages in Tamil Nadu. The power generation helped many industrial estates to come up and grow. The industrialisation of Tamil Nadu started in right earnest. He ruthlessly cut the red tape of bureaucratic inertia and his watchword was action and result. He appointed efficient officers as Heads of Department where dynamism and quick decision were essential. He had talented and hard-working men in a compact Cabinet of eight to assist him and mention should be made of C. Subramaniam, M. Bhaktava-tsalam and R. Venkataraman. Not personal loyalty but commitment to serving the people was the criterion he employed to select his Cabinet colleagues. The Tamil Nadu administration became a model for other States and no less a person than Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru openly acknowledged it.
Kamaraj was not only a great administrator. He was a strong organisation man as well. He rose from the grassroot level and, in his political life spanning more than half a century, there was no place in Tamil Nadu where he had not set foot. Under the tutelage of a great orator and parliamentarian, S. Satyamurti, he blossomed into full-fledged leadership. When he was elected president of the Tamil Nadu Congress Committee, he knew every region as he would know the palm of his hand. He had a retentive memory and knew every important party member by name. During the evening years of Nehru, the Congress started losing its vitality and the Prime Minister in declining health was a worried man. He was impatient to rejuvenate the Congress and consulted Kamaraj who came up with a plan, which was christened the K-Plan. The plan reflected the sacrificial attitude of Kamaraj to public life. Senior leaders holding offices of power were asked to quit and take up organisational work. Kamaraj set an example by giving up his Chief Ministership.
Kamaraj’s elevation to the presidentship of the Congress at the instance of Nehru was a historical recognition of the man’s national stature and capacity to steer the ship of the party in critical times. The choice was historical in more senses than one. After Nehru, he not only saved the Congress from immediate disintegration brought on by leadership squabbles but proved to the world the vibrancy of Indian democracy. His later confrontation with Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was a consequence of the inevitable power struggle between the organisation and the parliamentary wing of the party. It was also a reflection of the contradictory perceptions of the old guard and the new generation of leaders.
Kamaraj lost the battle to Indira Gandhi. The leaders who rallied around Kamaraj were a spent force; they wanted to continue their hegemony even after it had been played out. Kamaraj, a progressive, unfortunately aligned himself with the reactionaries, losing his colour and clout and getting politically marginalised. What is more, the Dravidian current in Tamil Nadu was so strong that it swept him off his feet in the 1967 elections. From then on he could not gather enough strength to meet the challenge. The political alignments and devices he tried desperately in Tamil Nadu did not work in his favour.
Kamaraj’s life was one of total dedication and selfless service to the people. As a freedom fighter, he played a self-effacing role, shunning the limelight and taking upon himself risky and arduous jobs. Yet he was one of the noted targets of British repression. Though unschooled, he learned a lot in the treadmill of experience. His understanding of men and matters was impressive and his incisive brain always went into the root of the matter. Even for elusive problems, he found easy and practical solutions. As an administrator he sometimes waived rules and regulations when it was a question of granting immediate relief to suffering people. He was easy to approach and even the lowliest felt at home in his presence. His hefty figure exuded humility and he carried a benign smile that disarmed his opponents and soothed the ruffled feelings of his detractors and critics. Basically, he was a consensus man, ever ready for reasonable compromises. There were occasions when he exhibited dictatorial streaks and stifled dissent; perhaps he felt they were needed to make mischief-mongers and trouble-makers fall in line.
Kamaraj showed little taste for the fine arts but saw to it that the state recognised and encouraged outstanding artists. He was frugal and lived a Spartan life. Wealth he desired for the nation, not for himself. For his aged mother at Virudhunagar, he sent a pittance of a hundred rupees every month. He visited her only when he happened to tour the area where she lived. He would stay with her for a few minutes, enquire after her health and take leave of her. He always stood by his political loyalists and evinced keen personal interest in the welfare of freedom fighters.
All through his political life, he had an excellent rapport with the press. He often invited eminent journalists to his house for a discussion on current matters. He used to say many things off the record and would listen patiently to the views of visiting journalists. He would not mind adverse criticism of his stand or policies by well-meaning journalists and he would ask probing questions to understand their point of view better. He was also aware of the power of the press and in spite of heavy odds, he was instrumental in running a Congress Tamil daily, Navasakthi, for several years. There were some eminent editors who targeted him in their writings. He would tell his friends that the editors had no personal grouse against him but were trying to present their point of view in the larger public interest. He was convinced a free Fourth Estate was essential for the healthy functioning of democracy. During the time of Emergency, he was greatly annoyed with censorship of the Press.
Some critics accused Kamaraj of keeping a coterie around him all the time and listening to their advice. No doubt he had some personal friends who were non-political and naturally he might have looked to them for non-partisan views on certain issues. Kamaraj had a mind of his own and it was rather difficult for anyone to pressurise him with their pet or slanted views.
He kept himself abreast of the latest developments, especially in the international arena. He was quite aware of his limitations in certain fields and was not shy about learning from others. As Chief Minister, he was credited with giving a patient hearing to the views of department officials to understand the nitty-gritty of administration. On some critical occasions, he would register his dissent by the eloquence of his silence.
JUST ABOUT three decades ago there lived here a selfless leader, an upright politician and a sacrificing son of the soil. Yet how many of us know of his greatness? It is to the credit of Ramana Communications that it has produced a film on K. Kamaraj, a diehard Congressman of the Nehru era. Making a film on the life of the distinguished personality, who remained a bachelor all his life and served the country till his last breath, surely allows no scope for any of the formula stuff that the filmgoer is so used to. And hence offers the investor absolutely no commercial guarantee. But undeterred by the risk, Ramana Communications has taken up such a venture.
Inspired by the Independence Movement and the Mahatma, the young, not very educated Kamaraj rises from humble beginnings to emerge as the Chief Minister of the State, a man of the masses and a king maker of repute. His simple living and high thinking that ought to make each of us proud is presented with a visionary touch by director A. Balakrishnan. Kamaraj’s corruption-free rule as Chief Minister, his sensitivity that made him do his utmost to educate the poor, his anger at injustice from any quarter, the elections in which the Congress was trounced, the period when Indira Gandhi declared a state of Emergency, and the effect that such events had on Kamaraj have been well brought out. Besides documenting the life of the leader till the end, the film also traces the history of the nation and the State in an interesting manner. Kamaraj’s interaction with his mother, the people who come to see him and the bureaucracy and his calm acceptance of the highs and lows of life are unforgettable facets of the film. And finally as you watch the funeral procession of the man, you are choked with emotion.
All the characters have been chosen to suit the roles they play. Thus casting is a strong point of “Kamaraj.” Richard Mathuram has done a neat job as Kamaraj. M. S. Bhaskar who has dubbed for him deserves special mention. The bright eyes of Sampathraj, the man who plays the young Kamaraj, is more an indicator of the kind of man he portrays. Only the actor who plays Rajaji does not seem true-to-life in appearance and demeanour. Along with known faces such as director Mahendran, actors Vijayan, A. K. Veerasamy and V. S. Raghavan, are Sumanth as Jawaharlal Nehru, Kovai Ramasamy as Periyar, Aravamudhan as C. Subramaniam and Kanakaraj as Gandhiji. Well-known stage artiste, T. S. Anandhi is Indira Gandhi. The resemblance to the former PM, which is more because of her nose, makes her a reasonably right choice for the role.
The screenplay could have been moulded better and the sudden close-ups that come and go abruptly could have been avoided. Sembur Jayaraj and J. Francis Kripa take credit for the screenplay and dialogue. V. T. Vijayan has handled the editing. There are scenes that end too suddenly and thus give way to jerks in the narration. Rerecording is minimal in “Kamaraj”, and wherever it is heard, the maestro’s touch is evident. The “Naadu Parthathunda … ” number that Ilaiyaraja sings in the end makes a tremendous impact. Vaali’s lyrics for the same moisten your eyes.
“Kamaraj” has a docu-feel all right, but the insight it provides makes it a must-see film for all
Waning Power
Kamaraj’s political influence began to descend in 1967 when he was defeated for a seat in Parliament, and the DMK, now respectable, captured control of the Madras government. An increasingly independent Indira Gandhi continued as prime minister, and a conflict ensued between the government and Kamaraj’s group. The party formally split in 1969 with Kamaraj as part of the old guard that tried, unsuccessfully, to remove Gandhi from power. In the same year Kamaraj was elected to Parliament in a by-election and began to rebuild his Madras base.
Although Kamaraj was fluent only in the Tamil language, with English or Hindi being the power tongues of India, his political skills and the timing of crucial events combined to make him a respected national leader. His own low-caste birth helped him to bring others of comparable social order into the Congress fold. Kamaraj devoted himself to the affairs of his home state of Madras until his death there on Oct. 2, 1975.
ONE DAY CHAIRMAN ! RESIGNED NEXT DAYAlthough Kamaraj was fluent only in the Tamil language, with English or Hindi being the power tongues of India, his political skills and the timing of crucial events combined to make him a respected national leader. His own low-caste birth helped him to bring others of comparable social order into the Congress fold. Kamaraj devoted himself to the affairs of his home state of Madras until his death there on Oct. 2, 1975.
Prior to his arrest Kamaraj sent a notice that Janab Ubayathulla of Vellore should be the President of P.C.C. Madras State.
As Virudhunagar Chairman Sankarapandia Nadar was also arrested Chairman’s post was vacant. Regarding electing P.C.C. Madras state president Ubayathulla sent a telegram to Dhanushkodi Nadar. But a reply was sent to him stating that the election of Chairman would be amicably settled.
Vice-Chairman R.Gurusami fixed the date as 31st May 1941 for Chairman’s election. Kamaraj who was in the prison at Vellore was unanimously elected as Chairman.
Before this Bengal Lion Desabandhu Chittranjan Das was elected as Mayor when he was in the prison. Likewise Kamaraj too was elected as Chairman when he was in the jail. People were proud of this.
In the first week of March 1942 , a months after the Chairman’s election Kamaraj was released. He came to Virudhunagar in the 2nd week. A warm welcome was given to him.
Municipal council meeting was held on 16th of March under the presidentship of Vice-Chairman 90th item of Agenda was taken for consideration and recorded. Kamaraj as a Chairman came to the meeting and sat in the Chairman’s chair. He recorded 91st item. He addressed to Councilors thanking them for having elected him as Chairman . But as he had some other important affairs to look after he was unable to continue as Chairman and tendered his resignation.
A 9 months’ Chairman who conducted the council meeting for 9 minutes addressed like this ” A person who holds a post even if it is a honorary one ,should act properly. If he is not able to function properly he should not hold that post.”
Change In History
In that year State Congress meeting was held at Batlagundu. For Muthurang Mudaliar’s victory Kamaraj took special interest.
Municipal election was conducted at Virudhunagar Congress contested in 24 wards and won in 22 wards. Kamaraj won from the 7th ward. All the 21 councilors compelled Kamaraj to be the Chairman but he refused. Sankarapandia Nadar became Chairman.
In 1940 election for T.N.C.P. President Sathyamoorthy nominated Kamaraj . Rajaji nominated Kovai C.P.Subbiah..
Kamaraj got 103 votes and won by 3 votes. Those 3 votes changed the history of Tamilnadu. A man who started his political life as a volunteer in 1919 became a President to the same party in 21 years. Once he was elected as a President public were interested in knowing his life history. They were attracted in his simplicity and sacrifice.
To help Kamaraj Sathyamoorthy took the post of Secretary.
During 2nd World War Aurther Hope , the Governor of Madras collected war fund from public. Kamaraj toured all over the state asking the public not to give war fund to foreigner. Hence war fund collection was disturbed . So Kamaraj was arrested under Security Act and sent to Vellore Jail. This was his 3rd Arrest.
People who come for Sathyagraha should have got the apporval of Gandhiji . When Kamaraj went to Gandhiji with one such list for Gandhiji’s approval he was arrested in the train at Gudur railway station.
According to the individual Sathyagraha started by Gandhiji all municipal chairman should go to jail by breaking the law. Accordingly Sankarapanida Nadar Chairman of Virudhunagar went to jail.
Education
Kamaraj dropped out of school when he was in the sixth grade. When he entered mainstream public life he felt handicapped and realized the importance of a good education. He educated himself during his periods of imprisonment.
Advice to his ministers
Kamaraj gave a simple advice to his ministers, “Face the problem. Don’t evade it. Find a solution, however small. People will be satisfied if you do something.” Followed by him a number of Central and State ministers like Lal Bahadur Shastri, Jagjivan Ram, Satyendra Narayan Sinha, Morarji Desai and S.K. Patil followed suit and resigned from their posts. In 1964, Kamaraj was elected ‘Congress President’ and he successfully navigated the party and the nation through the stormy years following Nehru’s death. Kamaraj’s political maturity came in full view when Nehru died in 1964. How he settled the succession issue for the Prime Ministership was amply proved by his choice of Lal Bahadur Shastri and Indira Gandhi in succession.
With Satyamurti
Kamaraj’s political guru and inspiration was S. Satyamurti, orator and parliamentarian. Satyamurti found in Kamaraj “an efficient, loyal, indefatigable worker and skillful organizer (p. 147, Pakshirajan).” Both developed a deep friendship and complemented each others’ skills. In 1936, Satyamurti was elected President of the Provincial Congress Committee and he appointed Kamaraj the General Secretary. Four years later they swapped positions. The party base was strengthened under their leadership. So deep was Kamaraj’s devotion to Satyamurti that when India gained independence, he first went to Satyamurti’s house and hoisted the Indian flag there. On his election as Chief Minister, Kamaraj went to Satyamurti’s house and garlanded his photo and paid his respects to the leader’s widow.
Politics And Freedom Struggle
Kamaraj joined as an apprentice in his maternal uncle Karuppiah’s cloth shop after dropping out of school. He would slip out from the shop to join processions and attend public meetings addressed by orators like Dr. Varadarajulu Naidu and George Joseph. His relatives frowned upon Kamaraj ‘s budding interest in politics. They sent him to Thiruvananthapuram to work at another uncle’s timer shop.
At the age of 16, Kamaraj enrolled himself as full-time worker of the Congress. He invited speakers, organized meetings and collected funds for the party. He also participated in the march to Vedaranyam led by C. Rajagopalachari as part of the Salt Satyagraha of March 1930.
Kamaraj was arrested and sent to Alipore Jail in Calcutta for two years. He was 27 at the time of his arrest and was released in 1931 following the Gandhi-Irwin Pact. Kamaraj was implicated in the Virudhunagar bomb case two years later. Dr. Varadarajulu Naidu and George Joseph argued on Kamaraj’s behalf and proved the charges to be baseless. Kamaraj was arrested again in 1940 and sent to Vellore Central Prison while he was on his way to Wardha to get Gandhiji’s approval for a list of satyagrahis.
While still in jail, Kamaraj was elected Chairman of the Municipal Council of Madurai. Nine months later, upon his release, Kamaraj went straight to the Municipality and tendered his resignation from his post. He felt that “one should not accept any post to which one could not do full justice.”
Kamaraj was arrested once more in 1942 and sentenced to three years in the Amaravathi prison for spreading propaganda material for the Quit India movement initiated by Gandhiji. While in prison, Kamaraj read books and continued his self-education.
Kamaraj As ChiefMinister
Kamaraj was ‘reluctant to accept’ the chief ministership but the circumstance prevailed upon him as there was no ‘alternative to the kingmaker himself ascending the throne.’ Kamaraj took the mantle from Rajaji, and formed his first cabinet, which did not contain a single Brahmin contrary to Rajaji’s first ministry in 1937, ‘dominated by Brahmins’. The elevation of Kamaraj as the chief minister on the wave of opposition to the Rajaji scheme of education, led to the development of closer ties between Kamaraj and E V Ramasamy. The Congress gained the support of E V Ramasamy and Kamaraj’s equation with the non-Brahmins was kept intact. E V Ramasamy was all set to endorse his solidarity with Kamaraj on the grounds that in all these years he was the first and only non-Brahmin with Tamil as his mother tongue to become the chief minister; and for the first time a full-fledged ministry had been formed without a single Brahmin headed! by Kamaraj.
According to E V Ramasamy all credit should go to Kamaraj for dropping Rajaji’s educational scheme despite opposition from upper castes led by C Subramaniam and Bakthavatchalam who were in favour of it. Extolling Kamaraj as the pacchai Tamilan he urged his followers to extend every support to sustain the Kamaraj rule and prevent it from being ousted, as the interests of Tamils were safe in his hands. However, Kamaraj did not follow the exclusion of Brahmins as a deliberate policy. In fact, Brahmins were incorporated into his ministry at a later stage, one of the prominent gainers being R Venkataraman.
For Kamaraj, E V Ramasamy’s open proclamation of support was a great source of strength, arriving precisely at the right moment when he himself was under pressure since doubts were being echoed in certain circles whether Kamaraj, a low caste man without formal education, would be able to cope with the administrative exigencies of the office of chief minister.16 For Kamaraj, seasoned for the occasion, E V Ramasamy’s endorsement was an unmistakable political gain and he saw its usefulness in countering his critics. Soon Kamaraj proved his capabilities as one of best chief ministers silencing the critics and sceptics. Kamaraj silently used the non-Brahmin movement in his favour though he did not ‘share Periyar’s anti-Brahmanism’. E V Ramasamy’s crusade against brahmanism, religion and the threat of imposition of Hindi from Delhi would continue unabated under Kamaraj’s rule only so long as it did not weaken Kamaraj’s ministerial governance. Kamaraj distanced himself from Ramasamy and his followers when the mode of agitation culminated in a call for burning the national flag (August 1, 1955), maps of India and copies of the Constitution.
One of the first political acts of Kamaraj during his tenure as chief minister was to widen representation of the rising non-Brahmins in the cabinet. Ministerial berths were given to the non-Brahmin caste-based parties, Tamil Nadu Toilers Party and Commonweal Party. Both the parties were subsequently ‘subsumed’ by the Congress. In a move to counter Tamil cultural politics espoused by the DMK, Kamaraj made conscious attempts to partake in the linguistic cultural matters. In order to placate Tamil aspirations, Kamaraj effected some measures. The efforts towards introducing Tamil language as a medium of instruction in schools and colleges was accompanied by the publication of textbooks on ‘scientific and technical subjects’ in Tamil. In 1960 the state education minister took steps to introduce Tamil in government arts colleges as a medium of instruction.
The introduction of the Tamil typewriter in government offices was another effort to change the language of administration gradually. Similarly the usage of Tamil in the courts received encouragement. To affirm his role in the linguistic politics of the state, Kamaraj did introduce a bill in February 1962 in the legislative assembly for changing the name of Madras to ‘Tamilnad’ for ‘intra-state communication’, the bill also proposing Madurai as the capital. But no decision was taken on it. However these moves were on a low key and inadequate to woo the masses. The DMK made capital out of this, routing Congress in the 1967 elections four years after Kamaraj relinquished his office as chief minister in accordance with the Kamaraj Plan to concentrate on Congress organisational work.
Committed to his version of ‘socialism’ meaning that “those who are backward should progress”, Kamaraj remained truthful to the simple dictum of his ‘socialism’, providing ‘what is essential for man’s living’ such as ‘dwelling, job, food and education’. The great feature of Kamaraj rule was the ending of the retrogressive educational policies and setting the stage for universal and free schooling. Six thousand schools closed down by Rajagopalachari were revived and 12,000 schools added. The percentage of school going children in the age group between 6 and 11 increased from 45 per cent to 75 per cent within a span of seven years after he became the chief minister.
Almost every village within a radius of one mile with a population of 300 and above inhabitants was provided with a school. With a view to encouraging and attracting the rural poor children to the schools Kamaraj pioneered a scheme of free mid-day meals for primary school children in panchayat and government institutions. This scheme, aided by the American voluntary organisation CARE, was launched in 1957. In addition the government came forward to supply school uniforms to poor students. To make the education easily accessible to children from various backgrounds, full exemption from school fees was introduced. Public enthusiasm and participation in raising funds and procuring equipment for the schools were entertained through different schemes making education a social responsibility. Such measures made education affordable for many who were denied basic educational opportunities for centuries.
Kamaraj’s other major feat was his role in facilitating developmental programmes chiefly electrification and industrial development. Thousands of villages were electrified. Rural electrification led to the large-scale use of pumpsets for irrigational purposes and agriculture-received impetus. Large and small-scale industries were flagged off generating employment opportunities. Kamaraj made the best use of the funds available through the Five-Year Plans and guided Tamil Nadu in deriving the maximum benefit.
His efforts in these directions not only enhanced the profile of Tamil Nadu as one of the best-administered states in the post-independent era, but it also raised it high in social and economic rankings compared to other states. As chief minister for nine years Kamaraj headed a stable administration and managed two elections successfully and his reputation soared high as ‘shrewd and competent’ and “one of the most effective chief min! isters in India.” He proved himself more than equal to the task and his detractors retracted the statements made about this ‘village-green trundler’ and his capacity to govern the state when he took the mantle from Rajaji.
His competent ministerial colleagues and the excellent set of senior state officials saw in Kamaraj ‘a man with a mission’ who could set aside any stricture in order to serve the common people. He was able to invoke cooperation, dedication and willingness ungrudgingly. Importantly his approach to governance and party control was never tainted with religious overtones and a secular commitment was natural and integral to his mission in life. Among his cherished political mentors, Kamaraj held George Joseph, a Kerala Christian nationalist who chose Madurai as his base for practising law and for his political activities, in high esteem.
Kamaraj’s association with George Joseph began early and grew in strength from the days when Kamaraj frequented political meetings addressed by George Joseph in Virudhunagar. It continued through the period of his involvement in the Vaikom Satyagraha then led by George Joseph, to the organising of demonstrations against the Simon Commission along with Joseph. It was George Joseph who defended Kamaraj and got him released when he was accused of making bombs and implicated in the Virudhunagar Conspiracy case. Profoundly fond of George Joseph and his family, Kamaraj continued to pay visits to the Joseph family especially his wife Susannah, even with his busy itinerary as chief minister.
His lifestyle never changed; power and position failed to dislocate his simplicity. His illustrious career as the chief minister of Tamil Nadu ended in 1963 and he commenced his political life in Delhi as the president of the All India Congress Party. Explicating Kamaraj’s long stint and stature in Tamil Nadu politics, reputed political scientist, R Bhaskaran, observed:
“Mr Kamaraj was not rich and has not grown rich; he is a bachelor and has no family ties. He has been and is a whole-time politician and has laboured to acquire personal knowledge of men and things all over the Tamil country and he knows all the leaders of his party from every part of India. He has also acquired facility in English and very considerable knowledge of world affairs. He is immensely popular for all these reasons and especially because he has no vices and leads a simple life. Above all he is the ‘representative’ Tamil as most Tamils imagine that figure. His ways of speaking, walking, eating and dress commend themselves to the many millions to whom these are familiar ways with nothing outlandish about them.”
Bhaskaran’s judgment is indeed right. That is certainly the reason why the beleaguered Congress in Tamil Nadu is wooing the Tamils today with the promise of ‘Kamaraj Rule.’
Karma Veerar
“Mr Kamaraj was not rich and has not grown rich; he is a bachelor and has no family ties. He has been and is a whole-time politician and has laboured to acquire personal knowledge of men and things all over the Tamil country and he knows all the leaders of his party from every part of India. He has also acquired facility in English and very considerable knowledge of world affairs. He is immensely popular for all these reasons and especially because he has no vices and leads a simple life. Above all he is the ‘representative’ Tamil as most Tamils imagine that figure. His ways of speaking, walking, eating and dress commend themselves to the many millions to whom these are familiar ways with nothing outlandish about them”
The Commonsense Politician
KUMARASWAMY Kamaraj was an ordinary man with extraordinary qualities of head and heart. From humble beginnings, he rose to the highest position of helping make two Prime Ministers of India, first Lal Bahadur Sastri and then Indira Gandhi. The demise of Nehru was expected to create a political void leading to instability of sorts, but Kamaraj as Congress president played the man of destiny, settling the succession issue amicably through a democratic consensus. It was perhaps the crowning glory of his life.
When he enlisted himself as a soldier in the freedom movement, he was totally under the spell of Mahatma Gandhi and to the very end he remained Gandhian by conviction and practice. There were occasions when he had his differences with Gandhi in running party affairs in Tamil Nadu but his loyalty to the Mahatma remained unwavering. For him Congress was the creed. All through his life, he was guided by native commonsense and that made him a real leader of the masses. He spoke to them in a language they understood. His speeches were embellished with ideas and not with grandiose eloquence. He was a man of simple habits and permitted himself the sole luxury of smoking a cigarette of relatively costly brand. Even this luxury he enjoyed in privacy and rarely in the company of his intimate friends.
Kamaraj was a multi-faceted political personality, and power and position sat lightly on him. He was Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu for nine years and that period was considered a “Golden Age”. For him, power was only a means to serve the people and he served them well. He was a down-to-earth planner and visualised and executed an infrastructure that was essential to satisfy the needs of ordinary folk. He made education free up to the highschool level and provided mid-day meals for schoolgoing children to prevent dropouts on account of poverty. Only during his Chief Ministership did every village of a thousand people get a school. He laid roads connecting rural areas to urban centres, creating easy access for village produce to reach town and city markets.
He paid special attention to the energy sector and electricity reached almost all villages in Tamil Nadu. The power generation helped many industrial estates to come up and grow. The industrialisation of Tamil Nadu started in right earnest. He ruthlessly cut the red tape of bureaucratic inertia and his watchword was action and result. He appointed efficient officers as Heads of Department where dynamism and quick decision were essential. He had talented and hard-working men in a compact Cabinet of eight to assist him and mention should be made of C. Subramaniam, M. Bhaktava-tsalam and R. Venkataraman. Not personal loyalty but commitment to serving the people was the criterion he employed to select his Cabinet colleagues. The Tamil Nadu administration became a model for other States and no less a person than Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru openly acknowledged it.
Kamaraj was not only a great administrator. He was a strong organisation man as well. He rose from the grassroot level and, in his political life spanning more than half a century, there was no place in Tamil Nadu where he had not set foot. Under the tutelage of a great orator and parliamentarian, S. Satyamurti, he blossomed into full-fledged leadership. When he was elected president of the Tamil Nadu Congress Committee, he knew every region as he would know the palm of his hand. He had a retentive memory and knew every important party member by name. During the evening years of Nehru, the Congress started losing its vitality and the Prime Minister in declining health was a worried man. He was impatient to rejuvenate the Congress and consulted Kamaraj who came up with a plan, which was christened the K-Plan. The plan reflected the sacrificial attitude of Kamaraj to public life. Senior leaders holding offices of power were asked to quit and take up organisational work. Kamaraj set an example by giving up his Chief Ministership.
Kamaraj’s elevation to the presidentship of the Congress at the instance of Nehru was a historical recognition of the man’s national stature and capacity to steer the ship of the party in critical times. The choice was historical in more senses than one. After Nehru, he not only saved the Congress from immediate disintegration brought on by leadership squabbles but proved to the world the vibrancy of Indian democracy. His later confrontation with Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was a consequence of the inevitable power struggle between the organisation and the parliamentary wing of the party. It was also a reflection of the contradictory perceptions of the old guard and the new generation of leaders.
Kamaraj lost the battle to Indira Gandhi. The leaders who rallied around Kamaraj were a spent force; they wanted to continue their hegemony even after it had been played out. Kamaraj, a progressive, unfortunately aligned himself with the reactionaries, losing his colour and clout and getting politically marginalised. What is more, the Dravidian current in Tamil Nadu was so strong that it swept him off his feet in the 1967 elections. From then on he could not gather enough strength to meet the challenge. The political alignments and devices he tried desperately in Tamil Nadu did not work in his favour.
Kamaraj’s life was one of total dedication and selfless service to the people. As a freedom fighter, he played a self-effacing role, shunning the limelight and taking upon himself risky and arduous jobs. Yet he was one of the noted targets of British repression. Though unschooled, he learned a lot in the treadmill of experience. His understanding of men and matters was impressive and his incisive brain always went into the root of the matter. Even for elusive problems, he found easy and practical solutions. As an administrator he sometimes waived rules and regulations when it was a question of granting immediate relief to suffering people. He was easy to approach and even the lowliest felt at home in his presence. His hefty figure exuded humility and he carried a benign smile that disarmed his opponents and soothed the ruffled feelings of his detractors and critics. Basically, he was a consensus man, ever ready for reasonable compromises. There were occasions when he exhibited dictatorial streaks and stifled dissent; perhaps he felt they were needed to make mischief-mongers and trouble-makers fall in line.
Kamaraj showed little taste for the fine arts but saw to it that the state recognised and encouraged outstanding artists. He was frugal and lived a Spartan life. Wealth he desired for the nation, not for himself. For his aged mother at Virudhunagar, he sent a pittance of a hundred rupees every month. He visited her only when he happened to tour the area where she lived. He would stay with her for a few minutes, enquire after her health and take leave of her. He always stood by his political loyalists and evinced keen personal interest in the welfare of freedom fighters.
All through his political life, he had an excellent rapport with the press. He often invited eminent journalists to his house for a discussion on current matters. He used to say many things off the record and would listen patiently to the views of visiting journalists. He would not mind adverse criticism of his stand or policies by well-meaning journalists and he would ask probing questions to understand their point of view better. He was also aware of the power of the press and in spite of heavy odds, he was instrumental in running a Congress Tamil daily, Navasakthi, for several years. There were some eminent editors who targeted him in their writings. He would tell his friends that the editors had no personal grouse against him but were trying to present their point of view in the larger public interest. He was convinced a free Fourth Estate was essential for the healthy functioning of democracy. During the time of Emergency, he was greatly annoyed with censorship of the Press.
Some critics accused Kamaraj of keeping a coterie around him all the time and listening to their advice. No doubt he had some personal friends who were non-political and naturally he might have looked to them for non-partisan views on certain issues. Kamaraj had a mind of his own and it was rather difficult for anyone to pressurise him with their pet or slanted views.
He kept himself abreast of the latest developments, especially in the international arena. He was quite aware of his limitations in certain fields and was not shy about learning from others. As Chief Minister, he was credited with giving a patient hearing to the views of department officials to understand the nitty-gritty of administration. On some critical occasions, he would register his dissent by the eloquence of his silence.
